#Bombayphile - Company of Woman : David Headley's Secret Girlfriend

Have you watched Ram Gopal Verma's 1998 movie Satya? Urmila Matondar plays the role of Singer Vidya, who is jolted when she learns that Satya, whom she loved, was a wanted gangster. Just before the cops shoot him dead, Satya attempts to meet Vidya one last time. However, a terrified Vidya refuses to open the door. A similar story unfolded in real life, linked to the 26/11 attacks. The only difference is that in the movie, Satya truly loves Vidya, but in the real-life story, the man uses the lady for his diabolical designs.

In 2009, the FBI nets a Pakistani-American named David Headley at the Chicago airport. His interrogation reveals chilling information about the Mumbai attacks. The Pakistan-based terrorist organization Lashkar e Toiyba had tasked Headley with reconnaissance of potential targets in Mumbai, taking their pictures, and recording GPS coordinates. Headley performed his job diligently, traveling to Mumbai seven times between 2007-08. In Mumbai, he befriended a few people, including filmmaker Mahesh Bhatt's son Rahul and his gym instructor Vilas Varak. Headley hung around with them, gathering information about the targeted locations. However, not many know that he had another friend in the city - a beautiful businesswoman.

Headley chose to scout for targets in south Mumbai and rented a room in Hotel Outram near the CSMT railway station. He often visited Colaba's Nariman House, housing a Jewish cultural center, to understand the area's topography and security arrangements. With a sweet tooth for pastries, he bought them from a small cake shop close to the Jewish center while returning. The bakery, run by a beautiful lady in her late twenties, became familiar to Headley in two to three visits. The lady fell for the tall, fair, and chivalrous man with an amazing sense of humor. They soon started dating.

Whenever Headley scouted for targets in the city, he took her along. From Leopold Cafe to the various restaurants of Hotel Taj Mahal and Hotel Trident, the lady accompanied him, and he took pictures and GPS coordinates of the places he visited. All the while, the lady was unaware of Headley's evil intentions. She started envisioning Headley as her life partner. The company of a woman while visiting potential targets helped Headley preempt any suspicion from security agencies, as he was passed off as a tourist. The Lashkar planned attacks at most of the places that Headley marked.

After Headley’s arrest, US investigators came across the lady’s name and passed it on to their counterparts in Mumbai. The crime branch of Mumbai Police summoned her, and they recorded her statement. The cops didn’t arrest her since she had no knowledge of the conspiracy. She left India for a brief period after the interrogation. Headley agreed to become an approver and deposed before a special court in Mumbai via video connection from the US jail where he is lodged.

In the annals of espionage, David Headley's secret girlfriend in Mumbai becomes a tragic character, entwined in a narrative of betrayal and manipulation. Her unwitting role in the sinister plot serves as a stark reminder that reality, at times, can be more chilling than fiction.

#Bombayphile : The Heroes of 26/11 Are Waiting For Government To Fulfill This 3 Year Old Promise!

My friend Hemant Bavdhankar retired as a Senior Inspector of the Mumbai Police last year. He could have retired as an Assistant Commissioner of Police (ACP) had the Maharashtra government kept its promise. Bavdhankar was no ordinary cop. Out of the ten Pakistani terrorists that stormed Mumbai on 26-11-2008, eight were killed by the National Security Guards (NSG). Out of the remaining two, Abu Ismail was shot dead by Bavdhankar and Kasab was arrested alive by the team he was part of. He was promised “One-Step-Promotion” as a reward by the government, which he never got.

It is not news that politicians are averse to fulfilling the promises they make. The election manifestos of political parties are solely intended to appeal to the voters and get hold of power. However, making false promises to voters is different from making certain announcements for the people of the armed forces, and not implementing them. The brave hearts of the Mumbai Police, like Bavdhankar, find themselves as victims of such political propaganda. These are the personnel of the Mumbai Police who have been awaiting their “One-Step-Promotion” for the last three years.

During the 26/11 terror attacks on Mumbai, out of ten Pakistani terrorists, only one was caught alive. After snatching a Skoda car from a hotelier at Nariman Point, terrorist Ajmal Kasab and his accomplice Abu Ismail headed towards Girgaon Chowpatty on the Marine Drive. An alert was sounded against them and all the police stations across the city were asked to barricade roads and conduct Nakabandis. Accordingly, a team from the D.B.Marg police station barricaded the Cafe Ideal junction at Girgaon Chowpatty. When the duo was confronted by the police team at the junction, they tried to take a U-turn and escape. However, Assistant Sub-Inspector Tukaram Ombale, who was following them from the Nariman Point on his motorcycle, seized the opportunity when the car slowed down due to barricading. Ismail was in the driving seat while Kasab was sitting next to him. Omble pounced on Kasab and grabbed his neck. However, Kasab, who was holding a Kalashnikov, fired and Ombale was killed instantly. Another Inspector named Sanjay Govilkar was injured. But the police team too retaliated with the bullets and Inspector Hemant Bavdhankar shot on the forehead of Ismail. As soon as Ismail was killed, police constables disarmed Kasab and were about to lynch him, but the officers present realised that Kasab should be caught alive to unearth the whole conspiracy.

Getting Kasab alive indeed opened an information goldmine on the very night of the attacks. His interrogation vividly revealed that the conspiracy to attack Mumbai was hatched by terrorist organisations based in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir. The ten terrorists were sent via the sea route from Karachi. Had Kasab not been nabbed alive, it would have been tough for the Indian agencies to establish the role of Pakistan in the attacks. In March 2020, during the Budget Session of the Maharashtra Legislature, Anil Deshmukh, then Home Minister, appreciated the display of bravery and alertness of the D.B.Marg police team. He enthusiastically announced that the state government would give “One-Step-Promotion” to all the fourteen police personnel who participated in the Girgaon Chowpatty encounter.

The policemen, who were already being lauded as heroes, were delighted with this gesture of the government. If cops get a one step promotion in the organization, it means that a Sub-Inspector would become a Police Inspector, an Inspector would become a Senior Inspector and a Senior Inspector would become an Assistant Police Commissioner. It implies that they would get better pay and perks. However, even after three years of the announcement, the cops are still waiting for their promised promotion. Anil Deshmukh remained Home Minister for around a year after making the announcement, before going to jail in a money laundering case. However, he did nothing during this period to implement what he promised. The media and the concerned police personnel followed up on the matter with Deshmukh’s successor, Dilip Walse Patil, but in vain. There has been no word from Uddhav Thackeray as well during whose chief ministership such a promise was made. As per the principle of “collective responsibility,” it was Uddhav Thackeray’s duty to ensure the implementation of the announcement.

Many, like Hemant Bavdhankar, have retired since the time the announcement was made, while a few are still hopeful. Last year saw a change in the government, with Eknath Shinde swearing in as the Chief Minister and Devendra Fadnavis becoming the Home Minister. Will they take cognisance of the matter and prevent the hopefuls of promised “One-Step-Promotion,” from feeling that they have been joked upon?

(Bombayphile is published every week where Jitendra Dixit writes about the past and the present of Mumbai.)   

Mumbai Police Don’t Want To Be Moral Police!

 

On Friday, the Mumbai Police slapped a criminal case on Urfi Javed, a model known for her quirky outfits and idiosyncratic style, and charged her with impersonation, cheating and defamation. Urfi has been posting pictures and videos donning the other-worldly attires and this has earned her a celebrity status. However, her antiques landed her in trouble when last week she played a prank that offended the men in uniform. With three actors who posed as cops, Urfi staged her “arrest” outside a coffee shop in Oshiwara. In the video, the cops were seen pushing her into an SUV and scolding her for wearing an “obscene” dress, which was a red-coloured sleeveless and backless top. Initially, when the video went viral, people thought that she had been really arrested. However, when the top police officers were deluged with calls from the crime reporters, they clarified that they hadn’t arrested Urfi. The cops swung into action and booked Urfi and the three actors. One male actor, who posed as an Inspector was arrested and the vehicle used in the video was seized.

What prompted the Mumbai Police to act swiftly in the case was the fear of being blamed of moral policing. It is not the business of the police to determine what the citizens should wear and what constitutes obscenity. Such a prank by Urfi had the potential to dent the reputation of a police force which is responsible for maintaining law and order in India’s most modern and cosmopolitan city. It is good to know that the Mumbai Police cares for its reputation and doesn’t want to be seen as a moral police. However, there have been numerous instances in the past where it has been established that the force indeed has been indulging in moral policing.

I remember a case in 2015 when the Mumbai Police raided several hotels in the Madh and Aksa areas of the city. Around 60 adult youngsters were caught on charges of indecent behaviour and booked under section 110 of the Bombay Police Act.  Among the arrested were 13 couples. The raids were conducted in the afternoon and the policemen knocked on the doors of the rooms occupied by the couples and pulled them out. Their parents were called to the police station.  The matter was brought before the Bombay High Court and the judges came down heavily upon the police. After the strictures from the court, Rakesh Maria, then Mumbai Police Commissioner, issued an instruction that the policemen must refrain from moral policing.

The case of dance bars is another example of the uniformed men’s tendency to moral police. Although the dance bars, which were an inherent part of Mumbai’s nightlife, were banned in 2005, the legal battle fought by the bar owners led to the rejection of the ban by the Bombay High Court and then the Supreme Court. However, the Mumbai Police always found ways to circumvent the court orders and issued a strict set of rules that disallowed them to run the bars in the traditional forms. In a way, a section of the police was against the ban due to the “advantages” they derived from the bars, however, it was primarily the policy of the state government which they had to enforce.

Moral policing is still practiced in Mumbai and many couples in love and courtship get a taste of it when they go to some secluded place for privacy and get caught. Apart from the police, political parties have also indulged in moral policing. There was a time when Shiv Sainiks raided pubs and discotheques on 14 February where Valentine’s Day celebrations were organised. They destroyed any red heart-shaped artwork and threatened greeting card sellers. All this was done in the name of preserving the Indian culture and combatting the influence of Western culture on the youngsters. Such acts of moral policing have presented a paradoxical image of Mumbai.

(Bombayphile is published every week where Jitendra Dixit writes about the past and present of Mumbai.)  

#Bombayphile : Mumbai Has Become A Gas Chamber! Who Is City's Hitler?

 

Last week brought dreadful news for Mumbaikars. The pollution level of the city has surpassed Delhi. Mumbai’s Air Quality Index (AQI) has reached alarming levels. The city has become a gas chamber with many Mumbaikars dying untimely deaths by breathing the poisonous air. So, who is the Hitler who transformed the city into a gas chamber? There are many Hilter in Mumbai, not one.

Every year, we see news on TV about how polluted the air of Delhi becomes in winter. The TV channels devote a good amount of airtime, showing the plight of Delhi citizens who suffer from breathing issues. The farmers of neighbouring Haryana are blamed for contributing to the pollution by burning parali. Several squads have been formed to check such activity. In the past, the courts have come down heavily upon the central and the state governments over their inefficiency in controlling the pollution. Some measures like even number-odd number plying of vehicles on alternate days was adopted. Mumbaikars felt blessed by seeing all this, and were happy that they were breathing relatively cleaner air.

Mumbai is witnessing a large scale construction activity these years. It seems that every new skyscraper is trying to dwarf the previous ones. As per a conservative estimate, there are around 600 under-construction buildings in Mumbai which emit dust that contributes to the polluted air. Apart from the private constructions, large-scale infrastructure projects undertaken by the governmental agencies are another source of pollutants. Presently, around six metro lines and a few flyovers are being built in and around Mumbai. Supporters of the infrastructure development contend that availability of public transport would reduce pollution in the long run. Several industries like Rashtriya Chemical Fertilizers (RCF) and petrochemical refineries in the north-eastern part of Mumbai have been perennial contributors to the city’s pollution. When these industrial units were set up several decades ago, they were away from the residential parts of Mumbai. With the rapid growth of the city, these units are now surrounded by residential buildings and their dwellers have no choice but to inhale the dark smoke 24/7.

On the one hand, Mumbai’s air is being polluted by multiple sources and on the other hand, the green cover of Mumbai is dwindling. There was a huge uproar over cutting of trees in the Aarey forest for a metro train depot, and destruction of mangroves for construction of the Navi Mumbai airport and the trans-harbour link. Three years back, I did an investigative story that revealed how slum mafia in the Aarey forest was clandestinely burning the green patches to raise huts there. Mumbai is blessed to be located on the coast of Arabian Sea. The breeze coming from the sea has helped in maintaining the city’s air breathable to a large extent, as it blows away the pollutants. However, due to the climate change, this advantage of Mumbai is deteriorating and the winds are getting weaker due to meteorological reasons. Environmentalists metaphorically point out that the lungs of Mumbai have become sick.  

As a knee-jerk reaction, the BMC has come up with certain guidelines to mitigate the pollution arising out of the construction activities and diesel vehicles. However, it is going to take much more than legislations and administrative efforts to contain pollution. Every Mumbaikar has to think of ways to reduce his carbon footprints and using public transport, avoiding usage of air-conditioners are a few examples. Diwali is around the corner and we can celebrate it by using crackers that emit less smoke and sound. If our lungs are healthy, we can celebrate many more Diwalis.

(Bombayphile is published every week where Jitendra Dixit writes about the past and present of Mumbai.)

 

#Bombayphile Why Mumbai Reacts Aggressively To Global Events?

 

Last week, the Mumbai Police arrested four people for sticking flags of Israel on the roads of Bhendi Bazaar, so that people could put their feet on it. It was their way of protesting against the Israeli response to the terrorist attack engineered by Hamas. This is another example of how a section of the Muslim community has been reacting aggressively to the events happening in other parts of the globe. Although there have been reactions across the world since the Hamas attack on Israel two weeks back, and people support one side or the other, this piece specifically delves into the reactions of Mumbai Muslims to global events. In the last 30 years, I have seen around half a dozen protests where the trigger was not in Mumbai.

Author Salman Rushdie wrote his controversial book ‘The Satanic Verses’ in Britain, it was banned by the Supreme Leader of Iran and Fatwa was issued against Rushdie, but the riots happened in Mumbai, which is thousands of kilometres away from both countries. In February 1989, several Muslim organisations of Mumbai came together to protest outside the British mission’s office. The police restrained them at the Mohammed Ali Road, triggering a riot. Twelve people were killed in the police firing that afternoon.

On 6 December 1992, the Babri mosque was demolished in Ayodhya, which led to communal flare-ups in many parts of India. However, the worst riots happened in Mumbai, 1500 kilometres away from Ayodhya. The riots that took place in the two phases and subsequent serial bombings in the city led to the killings of over one thousand people.

In 2006, a few Muslim organisations came together to organize a protest meeting at Azad Maidan against the French magazine Charlie Hebdo, to protest against the publication of the Prophet’s cartoon. The crowd soon went out of control of its leaders. Some vehicles were damaged and a few journalists were manhandled. However, the frenzy was soon contained by the police.

The cops were not that fortunate in 2012 when a meeting was called to protest against the atrocities against Rohingyas in Myanmar on the same ground. As soon as the meeting ended, the crowd turned violent and attacked the cops and media personnel. Several police vehicles and OB vans of the news channels were torched. The rioters desecrated a memorial of martyrs. The police had to fire at the violent mob.

When I went to delve into the reasons for the reaction of Mumbai Muslims to events outside the city or the country, I found that it has been a historical trait of the community. The Khilafat movement of 1919 is one such example when two well-educated Muslim brothers, Maulana Mohammed Ali, and Maulana Shaukat Ali, formed a Khilafat Committee in Bombay to protest against the abolition of the Ottoman Caliphate after the Turkish Empire was dissolved post-First World War. Mahatma Gandhi supported the movement and saw it as an opportunity for Hindu-Muslim unity.

After speaking to some intellectuals from the community, I got a few answers to my quest. A primary reason for the protest against something that has happened in another country is the sense of global-Muslim-brotherhood. Secondly, Mumbai being a cosmopolitan and modern city, the Muslims here keep themselves abreast of the happenings across the world. There are a few religious organisations that keep track of such events and mobilise the Muslim youths whenever anything against the perceived interest of Muslims happens.

(Bombayphile is published every week where Jitendra Dixit writes about the past and the present of Mumbai.)

#Bombayphile - Mumbai's Over 300 Years Old Connection with Israel.

 

My school was in the Samuel Street of Masjid Bunder in Mumbai. As a student, I never bothered to find out who Samuel was and why the street was named on him. I assumed that he might be some bigshot from the colonial era. It was around twenty-five years later, after passing out from the school, that I delved into the history of Samuel Street while researching for my first novel “Bombay 3”. I came across a very interesting story which tells Mumbai’s relation with the Israeli’s.

The local train travellers on the Central Railway know that the first station after the train originates from CSMT is Masjid. The word Masjid in Urdu translates into mosque, but in reality, the station is not named after any mosque, but after a synagogue, a Jewish place of worship. Hardly after a two minutes’ walk from the station, one reaches a yellow-coloured structure named “Gate of Mercy.” There is a history of why the synagogue has been so named.

Two Bene-Israelis named Samuel Ezekeil and Isaac Ezekeil were soldiers of the British East India Company. In the Mysore war, they were captured by Tipu Sultan’s army and were sentenced to death. Before executing them, Tipu asked to which caste they belonged. When the duo told that they were Bene-Israelis, Tipu’s mother intervened and asked Tipu to forgive them as she had read about the community in the Holy Quran. Tipu then entered into a prisoner swap deal with the Britishers and returned them.

Bene-Israelis came from the middle-east several centuries ago and landed at Alibag on the Konkan coastline. They follow Judaism. Although they follow the religious texts and practices, Bene-Israelis have also adopted Maharashtrian customs, traditions and attires. Many use the place of their dwelling as their surname, like Ramrajkar, Bamnolkar, Divekar and so on.

After returning to Bombay, they established a synagogue in 1796 to express their gratitude to God. It is the oldest synagogue in India.Initially the location was somewhere near today’s CSMT railway station, but in 1860, it was shifted to the present one. The locals mistook it be a mosque and started calling it “Juni Masjid”. The area is called Masjid Bunder due to its proximity to the port. In Marathi ‘Bunder’ means port.

The street was named as Samuel Street in his remembrance. It is hardly 200 metres away from my school’s building. Adjacent to the Samuel Street is Israel Mohalla where several Jew families lived once. Later on, members of the Pathan gang started living there. Few years back, an aspiring drug mafia was apprehended from the area by the Narcotics Control Bureau. The Gate of Mercy Synagogue is still active, although the turnout of faithful remains low. Most of the Bene-Israelis have shifted to adjacent cities, like Thane and Navi Mumbai.

(Bombayphile is published every week where Jitendra Dixit writes about the past and the present of Mumbai.)

PS: The Masjid Bunder are mentioned in this blog is a very interesting place with a unique character within the city of Mumbai. Those who are eager to know more must read my books “Bombay 3” and “Bombay After Ayodhya”.

 

#Bombayphile How Prepared Is Mumbai To Prevent Hamas Like Terror Attack?

Some people may find it absurd to compare Mumbai with Tel Aviv in the context of terrorism. The biggest terrorist attack on Israel was from all fronts: air, sea and land. Over 5,000 rockets were launched to target buildings in Israel and the terrorists used paragliders to land at public places and massacre people. Hundreds of Israelis were abducted on gunpoint. Although Mumbai has endured some of the biggest terrorist attacks in India, none of them have been of this magnitude. However, Mumbai continues to be on the radar of terrorists and one question that comes to my mind is, how safe is Mumbai from Hamas like attack?

From 11 March 1993 to 11 July 2011, Mumbai has witnessed over 10 terrorist incidents in which around 700 people have been killed and over two thousand have been injured. The attack on 26 November 2008 was the last big terror attack on Mumbai, not in terms of the number of people killed, but, due to the multiplicity of the locations and the number of hours it stretched. There are some parallels between the attack on Israel and Mumbai. After the terrorist attack at Kalbadevi on 14 September 1946, it was the first attack where the gunmen landed at public places and indiscriminately shot people. In the 26/11 attacks, the terrorists had captured two seven star hotels, attacked Mumbai’s prime railway station and a hospital. The Jewish cultural centre at Colaba was also one of the targeted locations. They planted bombs in two taxis which exploded at Wadi Bunder and Juhu. There were hostage situations at the Taj Mahal Hotel, Trident Hotel, and Nariman House. At Trident and Nariman House, most of the hostages were killed. It took 59 hours for the National Security Guard (NSG) to clear all the locations by eliminating the infiltrators, but not before the Chief of Anti-Terrorist Squad, two commandos and many policemen were slain.

Just like Mossad is being held responsible for intelligence failure, the Indian security establishment too failed in preempting the attacks, although they had got a whiff that Pakistan-based terrorists are planning to infiltrate via the sea route. There were few intelligence reports sent to the Mumbai Police alerting about the imminent attacks. The attacks also posed a question about the efficiency to the coastal security agencies. Undoubtedly, it was a warlike situation and neither the intelligence agencies nor the Mumbai Police anticipated the level of attacks. But the concern now is whether the security apparatus is prepared to deal with another 26/11 type attack or the one orchestrated by Hamas in Isreal, which is much bigger in magnitude. I have covered those attacks on ground and have followed the aftermath. During the last fifteen years, I have reported several times on the Mumbai's vulnerability to terrorist attacks. I still find the city vulnerable and its counter-terror preparedness is down at an alarming level.

A few years back, Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) had published a damning report on Mumbai’s coastal security. After the attacks, as a knee-jerk reaction, the state government spent millions of rupees in procuring speed boats, jet ski and amphibian vehicles for the coastal security. However, within a few years, most of them were defunct due to lack of maintenance and unavailability of replacement for the malfunctioning parts. The adequate supply of diesel was another issue. Once a policeman deployed on a patrolling boat fell into the sea and was drowned. It was revealed that most of the cops on duty in the coastal security units weren’t skilled in swimming. However, evening boat parties at the Gateway of India have been restricted due to the “terror threat”. Today, at most of the railway stations, one can see door-frame-metal-detectors and X-Ray machines to check luggage, but there aren’t enough personnel to man them. Most of the measures taken up in the name of security after 26/11 have sadly been eye wash.  

After the 26/11 attacks, the Ram Pradhan Committee was set up to investigate the attack and to suggest measures to tighten up the security. However, nothing concrete has been done on their recommendations. The only positive development that I could see is that Mumbai now has three kinds of commando forces deployed in the city. First is the QRT (Quick Response Team) of Mumbai Police, the second is the Force One of the state police and the third is NSG, which has opened a regional headquarter in Mumbai. In case of a terror attack, the QRT would be the first responder. However, these commando forces would be required only when an attack happens, but what has been done to preempt another attack? Obviously, everything couldn’t be revealed for public consumption. I trust that the intelligence and security agencies have learnt their lessons and Mumbai is safe from evil eyes.

(Bombayphile is published every week where Jitendra Dixit writes about the past and the present of Mumbai.)

#Bombayphile : The Cosmopolitanism of Mumbai And Its Aberrations

 

 

The residential tower where I live is a microcosm of Mumbai. My neighbours are Maharashtrian, Bengalis, Gujaratis, Tamilians, Keralities, Biharis and a few from other states of India. They practice different faiths like Hinduism, Islam, Sikhism, Jainism, Buddhism, Christianity and Zoroastrianism. The managing committee of the housing society comprises people of varied linguistic, religious, and regional origins. There is no rule barring a particular community from buying or renting property in the building. As long as you are paying your maintenance bills on time, you are treated with respect. There are hundreds of housing societies like mine where people belonging to different communities live harmoniously. However, recently an incident that happened in the suburb Mulund of Mumbai led to a tremendous uproar and questioned the city’s cosmopolitan image. It especially enraged a section of the Maharashtrian community.

A Maharashtrian woman and her husband went to scout for an office space in Mulund’s Shiv Sadan society. However, a Gujarati father-son, one of whom was the officer bearer of the society, told them that as per the society rules, office space couldn’t be given to Maharashtrians. When the lady tried to record their statement, her mobile phone was snatched, and the couple was roughed up. She narrated her ordeal with tears in her eyes on the social media, which went viral. It led to a huge outrage not only from the Marathi speaking population but also people from other ethnicities. Many Gujaratis expressed regret saying that the father-son duo didn’t represent the views of the whole Gujarati community in Mumbai.

The political parties were swift to pick up the issue, alleging that despite the CM of Maharashtra being a Marathi and heading a party known for championing the cause of sons of the soil, “Marathi Manoos” was getting extinct from the city. Taking cognisance of the controversy, workers of Raj Thackeray’s party MNS raided the society and compelled the father-son duo to apologise. A criminal case was registered against them for inciting bad blood among communities and were arrested.

There is a history of conflict between the Marathi and Gujarati speaking population of Mumbai dating back to 1950s when the Samyukta Maharashtra movement was launched to make Mumbai a part of Maharashtra. However, the current controversy couldn’t be viewed just in the context of Marathi Vs Gujarati. The incident has conveyed that still there are people in Mumbai who are averse to its cosmopolitanism. It has not happened for the first time when such an incident has happened in a city which takes pride in its inclusivity.

There are several housing societies in Mumbai, dominted by one particular community, that  disallows members of other communities to buy and rent out flats. These societies primarily make such rules due to their intolerance towards non-vegetarians. They couldn’t stand the smell of fish, egg or meat emanating out of somebody’s kitchen. Some societies audaciously had even put notices saying–“Only Jains Allowed.” They occupied spaces of the building walls till the eyes of some political workers caught them. I remember that around two decades back, the Shiv Sena had launched a “fish throwing agitation” on the premises of such buildings. Some societies inhabited by strict vegetarians disallowed sale and renting out flats to non-vegetarians. One morning, a group of Koli women belonging to the Shiv Sena barged into one of the residential towers in Malabar Hill and threw kilos of rotten, smelly fish all around.

In the last few years, there have been several reports where Muslim individuals and families have complained that it was tough to find a decent home in Mumbai due to discrimination based on their religion. Refusal of flats to Muslims has not been only because of their eating habits, but also rooted in the over one-and-half century long animosity between the two communities in Mumbai. From 1893 to 1993, Mumbai has seen seven major Hindu-Muslim riots in which thousands of people have been killed. The polarising politics of the recent years is further deepening the divide.   

But such incidents don’t reflect the true character of Mumbai. They are aberrations. By and large, Mumbai has successfully preserved its cosmopolitan spirit, where people from across the world arrive and thrive. It is a different fact that aberrations of such image get over-amplified in this age of social media and the politics of hate.

( Bombayphile is published every week where Jitendra Dixit writes about the past and the present of Mumbai.)

 

#Bombayphile Lalbaugcha Raja : How Communal Tension Led To A Tradition

 

Maharashtra’s biggest festival Ganeshutsav will come to an end this week. The highest crowd pulling pandal of Mumbai through the last several decades has been that of Lalbaugcha Raja in the mill district of the central Mumbai. Here is an excerpt from my book “Bombay After Ayodhya” where I wrote about a tradition associated with the festival :

The tall fame of Lalbaug Ka Raja extends till the last day of the festival when the 15 feet tall idol gets pulled out of the pandal for immersion at Girgaon Chowpatty. Lakhs of people participate in this 7-kilometre-long procession, which takes about twenty hours because of the swarm of people throughout. The procession passes through some of the most congested areas of South and Central Mumbai, including a few communally sensitive patches. A large number of policemen are deployed when the procession crosses the Muslim-dominated localities like Byculla, Nagpada and Do Taki. In 1946, taking note of the communal riots that preceded the festival, the Bombay Police ordered the route of the procession to be altered. However, the organisers refused to obey and insisted on following the traditional route. Ultimately, the immersion procession was taken out ten days later from the same route. ‘The traditional route of the procession is sacrosanct as well because sentiments of people are attached to it,’ said Sudhir Salvi, an office bearer of the pandal.

The tradition of procession continued even during some of the most sensitive times, such as the wars with Pakistan during 1965 and 1971 and the horrifying Hindu-Muslim riots in Bhiwandi during 1984. The year 1993 was perhaps the trickiest one. That year, the Ganeshutsav was celebrated in the aftermath of the deadliest communal riots of Bombay and a series of bomb blasts that shook the country. Sudhir Salvi recollects, ‘The situation was very tense, and we were worried about the consequences when the procession would pass from the Muslim-dominated areas. Then a Muslim social worker named Jamdar Zariwala came to meet us with people from his community. He said, “Whatever has happened has happened. We want to welcome Lalbaug Ka Raja. When the procession reaches Nagpada junction, all office bearers are invited on our stage. We will welcome you with Shahi Sherbet (royal drink). Let the message of Hindu-Muslim unity go to the world from Bombay.” From that year, it has become a tradition. Muslims welcome Lalbaug Ka Raja and revellers are served Shahi Serbet. Jamdar chacha died few years ago but his son has continued the tradition. The procession passes with no trouble from the Muslim areas. En route to Chowpatty, Lalbaug Ka Raja is welcomed at another location as well by the Muslim populace. When the procession reaches Hindustani Masjid at Byculla, the Raja is garlanded and the Muslim residents distribute sweets.

The procession of Lalbaug Ka Raja is also one of the two religious events in Mumbai, where governmental agencies also participate in an unusual way. When the procession crosses the headquarters of the Mumbai Fire Brigade at Byculla, all the fire engines blare their sirens simultaneously and switch on the beacons to “salute” the Lord. The second tradition relates to the fifteenth century Sufi Saint Makhdoom Ali Mahimi’s shrine at Mahim. During the annual urs or fair organised in December every year, the policemen sing and dance in the procession and enjoy the first right to pay their respects at the saint’s tomb. Makhdoom Ali Baba is famous as ‘the Saint of Police’ and it is believed that the policemen have been able to solve several complicated cases with his blessings.

Coming back to the Lalbaug Ka Raja, by the time his procession reaches Girgaon Chowpatty, it is 6 or 7 am of the following day. Colourful boats of fishers surround the idol and extend final salutations to the Lord. The idol is gently pulled into the deep waters of the Arabian Sea and immersed.   

(Bombayphile is published weekly where Jitendra Dixit writes about the past and present of Mumbai.)

#Bombayphile : Mumbai-Goa Highway : No Longer A "Dil Chahta Hai" Experience

 

Have you watched "Dil Chahta Hai"(2001) where three friends enjoy their drive on the Mumbai-Goa Highway? Do you remember Amitabh Bachchan starrer "Bombay To Goa"(1972) where a bus full of characters traverses through the scenic road? These movies have showcased how pleasurable the road journey from Mumbai to Goa used to be. Today, Mumbai-Goa Highway has become an antithesis of pleasure. Now, it is a hellish highway.

Maharashtra's biggest festival Ganesh Utsav is around the corner. A large number of Marathi speaking people in Mumbai belong to Konkan which is connected through Mumbai - Goa Highway and many of them leave Mumbai to celebrate the festival at their native village. The trains and buses towards Konkan are overbooked. Many people form groups and hire private vehicles to reach Konkan. The Maharashtra government, to please the Konkanis, has waived off the toll charges for to and fro journey. It is an attempt to generate goodwill. But this is just a tokenism. Waiving a few hundred rupees taken as the toll fees doesn't provide any relief to the travellers to have to undertake an ardous journey on the highway.

Over a decade back, the government announced the widening of Mumbai-Goa Highway. A tunnel was also proposed for smoothly navigating through the lengthy Kashedi Ghat. It was announced that Goa could be reached from Mumbai within 8 hours, which took 13-14 hours then. However, things took a different turn during these years.

Even after a decade, the widening work of the highway is anything but complete. A few fragments have been completed but by and large the work is pending in a major part of the road. First it took aeons for the land acquisition and get other clearances. Then, the contractors ran away. Multiple contractors were appointed to carry on the widening work. The delay led to cost escalation.

All this mess has made travelling on the highway inconvenient and unsafe. Too many diversions and potholes prolong the journey. They have also caused numerous accidents. A few years ago, I did a special story on Shirdhon village near Panvel, adjacent to the highway, where every second or third family lost somebody in accidents at the highway. Some of the people killed were little children and teenagers. I spoke to a roadside dhaba owner Bhushan Mhatre, who said that he has stopped counting the number of dead bodies he has picked up in the last ten years. The Mumbai-Goa Highway has become one of the most dangerous roads in India.

More than the toll waiver people need the swift completion of the road widening works. Many people travelling to Konkan avoid Goa Highway and take Pune-Kolhapur road instead. It is longer but relatively safer and smooth. Hope the government pays heed to the grievances of people and the highway gets ready to offer "Dil Chahta Hai" experience again.

(Bombayphile is published weekly where Jitendra Dixit writes about the past and the present of Mumbai.)

#Bombayphile : Concern For Hindi In English

 

This week, the celebration of "Hindi Diwas" will be in full swing, with schools, colleges, government institutions, banks and language advocacy organizations all getting into the spirit. They'll be hosting seminars and discussions to highlight the growing significance of Hindi on the global stage. However, there will also be some traditionalists expressing concerns about the infiltration of English words into written and spoken Hindi. As someone whose mother tongue is Hindi and who has been a Hindi journalist for nearly three decades, I find myself at odds with this group.


I believe it's these die-hard Hindi enthusiasts who compelled airlines to issue warnings to passengers about smoke detectors in airplane toilets using phrases like "Shauchalayon me dhoomra anusandhaan yantra lagei hain" (Smoke detection devices are installed in the toilets). It sounds as if some equipment for scientific research has been installed in the lavatories. Why can't they simply say "Shauchalayon me dhuaan pakadne waali machine lagi hai"? I also find it rather amusing when the railways refer to overhead electrical wires as "oopri upaskar" (upper equipment).


What we commonly use as everyday Hindi is, in reality, Hindustani—a fusion of Sanskritized Hindi and Urdu. This is the language predominantly used by the Hindi film industry, Bollywood. In Bollywood, we often encounter words like "Jurm" (crime) instead of "Apraadh," "khoon" instead of "hatya" (murder), "adalat" (court) in place of "nyayala," "kitaab" (book) instead of "pustak," "school" instead of "Vidyalaya," "gaadi" (car) instead of "vaahan," "Chaand" (moon) instead of "Chandrama," "Suraj" (sun) instead of "Surya," and so on.
The charm and strength of Hindi lie in its adaptability and flexibility. Language enthusiasts know that Hindi has evolved by incorporating words from various languages, much like English has adopted words like "Guru," "Pandit," and "Roti" into the Oxford English Dictionary. In metropolitan areas like Mumbai and Delhi, Hindi serves as the language that unites people from different parts of India who have migrated there. "Mumbaiya Hindi" has evolved by assimilating words from Urdu, Marathi, Gujarati, and other regional languages. Another variation of Hindi is "Hyderabadi Hindi." Even when traveling abroad, I often observe individuals from different non-Hindi speaking states of India conversing in Hindi, if not in English, on the streets of Rome, New York, Tokyo, or Bangkok.


There's no need to make strenuous efforts for the growth of Hindi. The language, by its nature, is prolific, with the only condition being that it shouldn't be made overly complex or imposed on populations whose mother tongue isn't English. Recent overt and covert attempts by some members of the union government to promote Hindi as "the national language" have faced resistance, particularly in the southern Indian states. Allegations of "Hindi supremacy" have arisen, which do more harm than good for Hindi. In my view, there's no need for extra efforts to promote Hindi; its inherent nature and strength will naturally endear it to non-Hindi speakers.


I'd also like to mention another extreme that poses a threat to Hindi. In the pursuit of making Hindi more "appealing," "youthful," and "modern," some rather unusual experiments have been conducted with the language. One such example is the Navbharat Times. Although I received my education in an English-medium school, it was this newspaper that cultivated my interest in Hindi and Hindi journalism. However, I've heard that some "brand manager" has diluted its language, and now Navbharat Times reads like an English newspaper in the Devanagari script.


(Bombayphile is published weekly, where Jitendra Dixit delves into the past and present of Mumbai.)

#Bombayphile Telgi Scam: Crime Reporting In Mumbai 20 Years Ago

 

In the last two decades, the landscape of crime reporting in Mumbai has undergone a dramatic transformation. Gone are the days when crime reporters chronicled a never-ending saga of violence, featuring shootouts resulting from gang wars and police encounters. In addition to this “routine coverage,” a crime reporters had to demonstrate their investigative prowess by unearthing stories that unveiled corruption and administrative negligence. These fearless exposés, which often made those in power uncomfortable and insecure, were a common sight in the media. Back then, there was no WhatsApp, and a reporter who filed a "table story" was met with disdain. Unfortunately, this style of crime reporting has become increasingly rare, and the blame cannot be solely laid at the feet of crime reporters. The decline of crime reporting in Mumbai is a topic for another discussion.
Today, I'm delving into the Telgi scam, a shining example of investigative journalism from Mumbai. This scam, uncovered by a Mumbai-based journalist in 2003, sent shockwaves throughout the nation.
For many in my generation of crime reporters, the Telgi Scam remains etched in memory as a case that saw police officers, from the Police Commissioner to the lowly Police Constable, incarcerated, and the resignation of Home Minister Chhagan Bhujbal. The credit for exposing this vast multi-million rupee scam that spanned multiple Indian states goes to my friend and author, Sanjay Singh, who was a crime reporter with NDTV at the time.
Sanjay Singh leaked the report of IPS officer Subodh Jayaswal, who had been tasked with investigating allegations of corruption within the police force. In late 2002, I reported for Aaj Tak, quoting a letter from Pune Police's S.M. Mushrif to the DGP, alleging that some individuals were being unfairly implicated while others were being let off in the Telgi case. Following the broadcast of my story, the government initiated an inquiry into these allegations. The subsequent report unveiled how certain police officers had extorted money from Abdul Karim Telgi, collaborating with politicians, administrative officials, and fellow policemen to run a racket printing and selling fake stamp papers, causing massive losses to the state treasury. Singh's expose ignited a media firestorm and galvanized opposition parties. The Bombay High Court ordered the formation of a Special Investigation Team (SIT). Without Singh's leak of Jayaswal's report, the culprits would likely have successfully buried the truth, and the public might never have learned of the scandal.
However, exposing such a scam and taking on the high and mighty came with its own perils, as Singh would soon discover. As I too reported on the scam and was acquainted with Singh on a daily basis, I can testify to some of the challenges he faced. He was threatened and humiliated during a press conference by the Home Minister. A Deputy Commissioner of Police, who had a team of "Encounter Cops" at his disposal, hinted at Singh's potential arrest under the stringent Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA). Threatening calls from the "underworld" haunted him, and he always felt he was being watched, with his mobile phone tapped. Despite these pressures, he remained resolute in his reporting. He was even offered a "gun license" and other favors to dissuade him.
The SIT, led by retired IPS officer S.S. Puri, arrested nearly every police officer named in Jayaswal's report under MCOCA. The SIT operated from an office within the Police Housing Department's building on Pochkhanwala Road in Worli. Each day, crime reporters gathered outside the building, watching police officers of various ranks enter for questioning and exit as accused, bound for Pune where the SIT sought their custody. Some of these arrested officers had been hailed as heroes for their role in combating the underworld, and they couldn't hide their tears when cameras captured them being taken away in disgrace.
Rumors circulated (though not independently verified) that IPS officer Subodh Jayaswal faced condemnation within the police fraternity for doing his job diligently and being tough on his own colleagues in uniform. During the past two decades, I've met Jayaswal on only two occasions, and he displayed little interest in discussing the case. Throughout his career, Jayaswal maintained a low profile and avoided interactions with the media.
Abdul Karim Telgi faced multiple trials and died in judicial custody in 2017. Most of the cops arrested by the SIT were convicted, although some were discharged, including a former Mumbai Police Commissioner and a DCP from the Mumbai Crime Branch. S.S. Puri passed away from a heart attack in Canada in 2020. Subodh Jayaswal briefly served as the Mumbai Police Commissioner and then went on deputation to the central government. In 2023, he retired as the Chief of the CBI.
Sanjay Singh authored a book, "Telgi Scam-Ek Reporter Ki Diary," in which he vividly recounts the scam's details and the challenges he faced. This book has now been adapted into a web series titled "Scam 2003 – The Telgi Story." It's worth noting that the web series may have taken creative liberties and twisted certain events. For those seeking an unfiltered account of the scam, Sanjay Singh's book is available in Hindi and English.
Today's crime reporters would do well to read the book or watch the web series to gain insight into the investigative journalism of twenty years ago. This scandal should also serve as a reminder to the police fraternity that succumbing to greed and engaging in acts of commission and omission can lead them to the other side of the lockup.

(Bombayphile is published weekly, where Jitendra Dixit reflects on Mumbai's past and present.)

#Bombayphile : That Dark August In The History of Mumbai Police

Mumbai Police is one of the most disciplined, professional and formidable internal security organisations in the world. There was a time when its pace of detecting crimes was compared with the Metropolitan Police of London. However, there have been a few dark pages in its glorious history. One such chapter is of the police rebellion that happened forty-one years ago.

What happened on 19 August 1982 was narrated to me by Baban Jadhav. He is one of those numbered policemen who participated in the rebellion and are still alive. Jadhav became my friend in 2003 when I was covering a proceeding at the Kurla court where few members of Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) were being produced after the organisation was banned. Jadhav was the in-charge of the security of the court premises. Recently, I met him after many years at his residence in Thane.

“They put me in jail on the occasion of the Ganpati festival. Even if I was guilty, why my family members were thrown out of our governmental accommodation? Why cases were filed against them? Dawood is such a big criminal but were his relatives punished for his crimes?...but for me, a policeman, the punishment was meted out to my family members. My daughter was just three months old. My mother was seventy years old, but they were thrown out of the house.” Jadhav’s eyes were full of rage when he recollected the events of 19 August , 1982.

During those days, the policemen had a union named “Mumbai Police Karmachari Sanghatana” of which Jadhav was a member.

“Why did that rebellion happened?” I asked Jadhav.

“Don’t call it a rebellion. It was our agitation. We wanted to do our duty respectfully, but we were being treated as slaves at the homes of IPS officers. We were asked to run errands, walk dogs and clean their utensils. Is this the job of a policeman? We were not allowed to take leave. Our salaries were very low. There was a conspiracy to snatch away our official quarters and give the land away to a builder. Because of all these reasons, we had to resort to agitation.”

The indications of the unrest in the force were visible on 15th August that year when many policemen reported to the duty displaying black ribbon on their uniform. It has been reported that out of the total strength of 22,000 cops, 9500 participated in the rebellion. On the day when rebellion broke out, there were incidents of stone-peltings at several places, motormen driving the local trains were pulled out of their cabins. As train services were disrupted, furious commuters went on rampage at various stations. The mill workers also joined the agitation of the policemen, who too were on a strike since last seven months.

Knowing that the police were on strike, criminal elements had a gala time. They fearlessly started looting. The Century Bazaar at Worli had to endure maximum damage. The worts violence happened at Worli Naka. To contain the violent mob, the army had to fire in which two mill workers and a policeman died. A youngster died in the Naigaon area. Julio Ribeiro was the police commissioner of Mumbai then. In his autobiography, he has detailed how the rebellion was dealt with. Apart from requisitioning the army, help was taken from the loyal policemen. Twenty-two leaders of the police union were arrested and ninety policemen were dismissed from the service. The police union was banned and the formation of any such union in the future was made illegal.

Although certain demands of the agitating policemen were legitimate, many leaders of the police union too went to extremes. They misbehaved with senior police officers and had scuffles with them. They indulged in indiscipline and didn’t wear the police uniform. A union leader who was a follower of Osho demanded that the colour of the police uniform must be changed from Khaki to Maroon. Most of the union leaders didn’t report to their regular duties and behaved arbitrarily. During those days, then CM A.R.Antulay used to appease union leaders like S.D.Mohite and sanctioned a space for the union’s office.

When I asked Jadhav about all these excesses, he admitted that indiscipline had happened, but such people were very few. Jadhav still believes that among all the governmental departments, the police force is the most overburdened one. There is still a need for an association of the policemen to convey their grievances to the government.

(Bombayphile is published every Sunday where Jitendra Dixit writes about the past and the present of Mumbai.)  

 

#Bombayphile: When Mumbai Underworld Collaborated With UP Gangsters

 

This week's Bombayphile couldn't be published on Sunday, as I had gone to my native village in Barabanki of Uttar Pradesh to attend my grandfather's funeral. While returning back, I met Mr, Rajesh Pandey at Lucknow. Mr.Pandey is a retired IPS officer and a founding member of the famed Special Task Force (STF) of the UP Police. Since the time Yogi Adityanath became the CM of UP, the STF has been often in the news for killing history-sheeters in the alleged encounters.

Mr. Pande, after his retirement, is successfully running a YouTube channel where he tells stories of crime. Recently, he became an author as well by publishing his first book "Operation Bajooka". The book is based on his hunt for Sriprakash Shukla, who had become UP's most dreaded gangster in the 90s and even conspired to murder then CM Kalyan Singh. An hour-long conversation with him at his residence surprised me. Although Mr.Pandey had never served in the Maharashtra Police, he had an in-depth knowledge of the Mumbai underworld. It was with his help that the police in Mumbai were able to crack many important cases in the city. The Mumbai Police had to work in tandem with their UP counterparts because the gangs of Mumbai had forged a collaboration with the gangsters of the UP.

The J.J.Hospital shootout of 1992 to avenge the murder of Dawood's brother-in-law Ibrahim Parker by Arun Gawli gang was executed by hitmen from UP. Dawood assigned Brijesh Singh, Subhash Singh Thakur and other UP based gangster to execute a shootout that is considered to be the biggest in Mumbai. Over 500 rounds of bullets were fired and for the first time an AK-47 rifle was used by the underworld.

Abu Salem, who defected from the Dawood gang in 1997 also called gangsters from UP to kill his targets. Many of his shooters hailed from Azamgarh, his native district in UP. Chhota Shakeel, the top lieutenant of Dawood Ibrahim, also hails from UP and recruits hitmen from his home state. Even Arun Gawli, whose gang members were mostly from Maharashtrian mill workers families, also hired shooters from UP. Mr.Pandey told me that the Mumbai Police had asked for his help to nab a few shooters based in Unnao district of UP, who were hired by Gawli to bump off film maker Madhur Bhandarkar. As per the Mumbai Police, an actress aggrieved with Bhandarkar had given a contract to Gawli to kill him.

 

Even Chhota Rajan had men from UP in his gang and prominent among them was Omprakash Singh aka OP. Singh's native place was Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh and joined the underworld after his brother was killed by the gangsters of Amar Naik gang for deposing as a witness in another shootout. Naik's shooter were on the lookout for Singh as well, but he came in contact with Chhota Rajan who offered him protection and inducted him in the gang. Soon Singh became a trsutworthy man of Chhota Rajan and took major decisions for the gang. However, once Rajan was told that Singh was planning to defect from the gang in connivance with a police officer. Allegedly on the instructions of Rajan, his other gang members killed Singh inside the Nasik jail in 2002.

The gangs in Mumbai chose gangsters from UP for several reasons. Firstly, they had no criminal record in Mumbai and hence couldn't come on the Mumbai Police ' radar before killing someone. Secondly, they were cheap. A teenager from UP could come and kill someone in Mumbai just for Rupees 5,000. They were provided return flight tickets by the gangs. Another factor was their daredevilry. For money, they could make an attempt on someone who was protected by the police.

(Bombayphile is published every Sunday where Jitendra Dixit writes about the past and the present of Mumbai.) 

#Bombayphile - Why Dawood Ibrahim’s Name Still Reverberates In Mumbai Politics?

Underworld Don Dawood Ibrahim might be sitting miles away from Mumbai in Karachi, but his name often reverberates in the politics of Mumbai. And this has been happening for the last three decades. Several politicians have faced allegations of being linked with India’s most wanted fugitive. The latest on the list is Nawab Malik, who recently secured bail from the Supreme Court.

Nawab Malik was a minister in CM Uddhav Thackeray’s cabinet. The Enforcement Directorate arrested him on 23 February 2022 in a money laundering case linked to Dawood Ibrahim. Malik was also a spokesman for the NCP and fiercely targeted the BJP. When the NCB arrested actor Shahrukh Khan's son Aryan, Malik strongly criticized the agency, claiming that the case was fabricated and that Aryan was arrested to extort money from his father. After Malik's arrest, the NCP alleged that it was the BJP’s move to silence him.

Nawab Malik’s political boss Sharad Pawar too had faced allegations of being hand in glove with Dawood in the decade of 90s. A municipal officer named G R.Khairnar alleged that Pawar had links with Dawood and he was protecting Dawood’s illegal constructions. Khairnar had made a list of properties owned by Dawood and was bulldozing them one after another. His campaign led to a tremendous uproar, and it was alleged that Khairnar was targeting a particular community. Consequently, his wings were clipped. Khairnar alleged that Pawar was behind the move at the behest of Dawood. He soon became an anti-corruption activist and on a public platform alleged that there were truckloads of evidence against Pawar. However, Khairnar never produced the said evidence, and Pawar was never prosecuted in any court of law.

Allegations of Khairnar were capitalised by the Shiv Sena-BJP alliance during the 1995 Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha polls. Shiv Sena’s Supremo Bal Thackeray even went to the extent of saying, “If they (Congress) have Dawood, we have Gawli.” Arun Gawli was a nemesis of Dawood. Eventually, the saffron alliance was successful in coming to the power. The allegations made by Khairnar played a major role in Pawar’s defeat.

Abu Azmi, the Maharashtra chief of Samajwadi Party, was embroiled in such a controversy. He was arrested under the stringent TADA law on charges of being part of 1993 Mumbai bombings conspiracy. Azmi was discharged due to lack of evidence. In 2005, a video was broadcast on Star News where he was seen in a function organised by Dawood in Dubai. It was the wedding reception of Dawood's younger brother Mustakeem. Azmi said that he was a distant relative of Dawood and hence attended the event and had no stake in Dawood’s illegal business.

Dawood escaped from Mumbai in 1986 and so far, all the attempts to apprehend or kill him by the Indian agencies have failed. However, his name is still used to conceive political narratives in Mumbai. The hatred and anger against his name amongst the people of India, especially of Mumbai, still has the potential for political capitalisation.

 

नागरिक बनो, भक्त नहीं!

कर्नाटक नतीजे आने के बाद कई लोग सोशल मीडिया पर मेरे पोस्ट को पढकर ये अनुमान लगा रहे हैं कि शायद मैं कांग्रेसी हूं। अनुमान गलत है। तो क्या मैं भाजपाई हूं?क्या मैं भक्त हूं? नहीं जी। फिर क्या मैं वामपंथी हूं? बिलकुल नहीं। ...तो फिर मैं कैसा शख्स हूं जिसकी कोई विचारधारा ही नहीं है?

मेरी सोच ऐसे लोगों के मन में उठ रहे तमाम सवालों से अलग है। मेरा परिचय भारत के एक नागरिक का है। मेरी नजर में जैसे ही आप किसी राजनीतिक पार्टी के फुलटाईम समर्थक/कार्यकर्ता बनते हैं या फिर किसी राजनेता के भक्त बन जाते हैं तो आप अपने आपको को उन अधिकारों से वंचित कर लेते हैं जो एक लोकतांत्रिक देश के नागरिक होने के नाते आपको मिले हैं।

अगर आप किसी राजनेता के भक्त हैं तो आपको उसकी हर बात पर वाह वाह करनी पडेगी। आपको उसके हर उस फैसले का भी सार्वजनिक तौर पर समर्थन करना पडेगा जिसे निजी तौर पर आप गलत मानते होंगे। कई बार उसके फैसले ऐसे होते सकते हैं जो सीधे आपको और आपके घर वालों को प्रभावित करते हों, परेशान करते हों।...लेकिन आप तो भक्त ठहरे। आपको तो उसका भी समर्थन करना ही पडेगा। कई बार आप जिसके भक्त हैं उसके फैसले तर्कसंगत नहीं होंगे, न्यायसम्मत नहीं होंगे, पाखंड झलकाते होंगे, लेकिन आपको तो उनका समर्थन करना ही पडेगा। आप भक्त जो ठहरे।

अगर मैं अपनी बात करूं तो ये कहूंगा कि मैं अपने नागरिक होने की स्वतंत्रता का पूरा इस्तेमाल करता हूं। जब जिस राजनेता की बात ठीक नहीं लगती, तब उसके खिलाफ लिखता-बोलता हूं। वो किसी भी पार्टी का हो सकता है। बीते दस सालों में मैने अलग अलग चुनावों में अलग अलग पार्टियों को वोट दिया है। किसी में बीजेपी को, किसी में कांग्रेस को, किसी में शिव सेना को। विधान सभा चुनाव में कोई और, लोक सभा चुनाव में कोई और, बीएमसी चुनाव में कोई और। वोट देते वक्त मैं उम्मीदवार के व्यकित्तव को महत्व देता हूं। उसके भूतकाल में किये गये काम और उसकी काबिलियत को तरजीह देता हूं। उसकी पार्टी मेरे लिये मायने नहीं रखती...और न ही उसकी पार्टी की विचारधारा। हमेशा देखा गया है कि राजनीतिक पार्टियां विचारधारा की बात सिर्फ चुनाव नतीजे आने तक करतीं हैं। उसके बाद सरकार बनाने की जोडतोड में विचारधारा हवा हो जाती है।याद है न जम्मू-कश्मीर में सरकार बनाते वक्त 2015 में बीजेपी ने अलगाववादी और आतंकवादियों के प्रति नरम रवैया रखने वाली पीडीपी से हाथ मिला लिया था। नीतीश कुमार कभी बीजेपी के साथ रहे तो कभी लालू यादव की पार्टी के साथ। अपने महाराष्ट्र में ही हिंदुत्ववाद की राजनीति करने वाली शिव सेना ने खुद को धर्मनिर्पेक्ष बताने वाली कांग्रेस और एनसीपी के साथ मिलकर सरकार बना ली। उस वक्त शिव सेना ने इस बात की परवाह नहीं की कि जनता ने उसे हिंदुत्ववादी पार्टी बीजेपी से गठजोड करने पर जनमत दिया था। कांग्रेस-एनसीपी भी ये भूल गयीं कि लोगों ने सांप्रदायिक ताकतों के खिलाफ होने की वजह से उन्हें वोट दिया है। विचारधारा का सम्मान सिर्फ जनता ही करे? सत्ता की मलाई खाने के लिये राजनीतिक पार्टियां जो मन में आये करें?

हो सकता है कि इस बीच मेरे सोशल मीडिया पोस्ट बीजेपी के खिलाफ नजर आते हों, लेकिन इसके पीछे कारण ये है कि केंद्र और मेरे राज्य महाराष्ट्र में दोनो जगह बीजेपी की सरकार हो। एक नागरिक के तौर पर सत्ताधारी पार्टी से सवाल पूछना और उसकी खामियों को उजागर करना मेरा अधिकार है। जब केंद्र और राज्य में कांग्रेस थी तब मैं उसके साथ भी यही करता था।

मैं आस्थावान हिंदू जरूर हूं लेकिन हिंदुत्ववादी नहीं। मैं रोज घर में पूजा करता हूं, सप्ताह में एक बार मंदिर जाता हूं, हाथ में रक्षा सूत्र पहनता हूं, तीर्थस्थलों पर जाता हूं, रामलीला देखता हूं, घर पर गणपति बिठाता हूं लेकिन मेरे हिंदुत्व की व्याख्या में मुसलिम या किसी और धर्म के अनुयायियों का विरोध नहीं हैं। धर्म मेरे लिये निजी मामला है और मैं अपने धर्म में राजनीति की मिलावट नहीं होने देता। अगर कोई धर्म के नाम पर मुझसे वोट मांगेगा तो मैं उसको कहूंगा – चल रास्ता नाप!