#Bombayphile : Concern For Hindi In English

 

This week, the celebration of "Hindi Diwas" will be in full swing, with schools, colleges, government institutions, banks and language advocacy organizations all getting into the spirit. They'll be hosting seminars and discussions to highlight the growing significance of Hindi on the global stage. However, there will also be some traditionalists expressing concerns about the infiltration of English words into written and spoken Hindi. As someone whose mother tongue is Hindi and who has been a Hindi journalist for nearly three decades, I find myself at odds with this group.


I believe it's these die-hard Hindi enthusiasts who compelled airlines to issue warnings to passengers about smoke detectors in airplane toilets using phrases like "Shauchalayon me dhoomra anusandhaan yantra lagei hain" (Smoke detection devices are installed in the toilets). It sounds as if some equipment for scientific research has been installed in the lavatories. Why can't they simply say "Shauchalayon me dhuaan pakadne waali machine lagi hai"? I also find it rather amusing when the railways refer to overhead electrical wires as "oopri upaskar" (upper equipment).


What we commonly use as everyday Hindi is, in reality, Hindustani—a fusion of Sanskritized Hindi and Urdu. This is the language predominantly used by the Hindi film industry, Bollywood. In Bollywood, we often encounter words like "Jurm" (crime) instead of "Apraadh," "khoon" instead of "hatya" (murder), "adalat" (court) in place of "nyayala," "kitaab" (book) instead of "pustak," "school" instead of "Vidyalaya," "gaadi" (car) instead of "vaahan," "Chaand" (moon) instead of "Chandrama," "Suraj" (sun) instead of "Surya," and so on.
The charm and strength of Hindi lie in its adaptability and flexibility. Language enthusiasts know that Hindi has evolved by incorporating words from various languages, much like English has adopted words like "Guru," "Pandit," and "Roti" into the Oxford English Dictionary. In metropolitan areas like Mumbai and Delhi, Hindi serves as the language that unites people from different parts of India who have migrated there. "Mumbaiya Hindi" has evolved by assimilating words from Urdu, Marathi, Gujarati, and other regional languages. Another variation of Hindi is "Hyderabadi Hindi." Even when traveling abroad, I often observe individuals from different non-Hindi speaking states of India conversing in Hindi, if not in English, on the streets of Rome, New York, Tokyo, or Bangkok.


There's no need to make strenuous efforts for the growth of Hindi. The language, by its nature, is prolific, with the only condition being that it shouldn't be made overly complex or imposed on populations whose mother tongue isn't English. Recent overt and covert attempts by some members of the union government to promote Hindi as "the national language" have faced resistance, particularly in the southern Indian states. Allegations of "Hindi supremacy" have arisen, which do more harm than good for Hindi. In my view, there's no need for extra efforts to promote Hindi; its inherent nature and strength will naturally endear it to non-Hindi speakers.


I'd also like to mention another extreme that poses a threat to Hindi. In the pursuit of making Hindi more "appealing," "youthful," and "modern," some rather unusual experiments have been conducted with the language. One such example is the Navbharat Times. Although I received my education in an English-medium school, it was this newspaper that cultivated my interest in Hindi and Hindi journalism. However, I've heard that some "brand manager" has diluted its language, and now Navbharat Times reads like an English newspaper in the Devanagari script.


(Bombayphile is published weekly, where Jitendra Dixit delves into the past and present of Mumbai.)

#Bombayphile Telgi Scam: Crime Reporting In Mumbai 20 Years Ago

 

In the last two decades, the landscape of crime reporting in Mumbai has undergone a dramatic transformation. Gone are the days when crime reporters chronicled a never-ending saga of violence, featuring shootouts resulting from gang wars and police encounters. In addition to this “routine coverage,” a crime reporters had to demonstrate their investigative prowess by unearthing stories that unveiled corruption and administrative negligence. These fearless exposés, which often made those in power uncomfortable and insecure, were a common sight in the media. Back then, there was no WhatsApp, and a reporter who filed a "table story" was met with disdain. Unfortunately, this style of crime reporting has become increasingly rare, and the blame cannot be solely laid at the feet of crime reporters. The decline of crime reporting in Mumbai is a topic for another discussion.
Today, I'm delving into the Telgi scam, a shining example of investigative journalism from Mumbai. This scam, uncovered by a Mumbai-based journalist in 2003, sent shockwaves throughout the nation.
For many in my generation of crime reporters, the Telgi Scam remains etched in memory as a case that saw police officers, from the Police Commissioner to the lowly Police Constable, incarcerated, and the resignation of Home Minister Chhagan Bhujbal. The credit for exposing this vast multi-million rupee scam that spanned multiple Indian states goes to my friend and author, Sanjay Singh, who was a crime reporter with NDTV at the time.
Sanjay Singh leaked the report of IPS officer Subodh Jayaswal, who had been tasked with investigating allegations of corruption within the police force. In late 2002, I reported for Aaj Tak, quoting a letter from Pune Police's S.M. Mushrif to the DGP, alleging that some individuals were being unfairly implicated while others were being let off in the Telgi case. Following the broadcast of my story, the government initiated an inquiry into these allegations. The subsequent report unveiled how certain police officers had extorted money from Abdul Karim Telgi, collaborating with politicians, administrative officials, and fellow policemen to run a racket printing and selling fake stamp papers, causing massive losses to the state treasury. Singh's expose ignited a media firestorm and galvanized opposition parties. The Bombay High Court ordered the formation of a Special Investigation Team (SIT). Without Singh's leak of Jayaswal's report, the culprits would likely have successfully buried the truth, and the public might never have learned of the scandal.
However, exposing such a scam and taking on the high and mighty came with its own perils, as Singh would soon discover. As I too reported on the scam and was acquainted with Singh on a daily basis, I can testify to some of the challenges he faced. He was threatened and humiliated during a press conference by the Home Minister. A Deputy Commissioner of Police, who had a team of "Encounter Cops" at his disposal, hinted at Singh's potential arrest under the stringent Maharashtra Control of Organised Crime Act (MCOCA). Threatening calls from the "underworld" haunted him, and he always felt he was being watched, with his mobile phone tapped. Despite these pressures, he remained resolute in his reporting. He was even offered a "gun license" and other favors to dissuade him.
The SIT, led by retired IPS officer S.S. Puri, arrested nearly every police officer named in Jayaswal's report under MCOCA. The SIT operated from an office within the Police Housing Department's building on Pochkhanwala Road in Worli. Each day, crime reporters gathered outside the building, watching police officers of various ranks enter for questioning and exit as accused, bound for Pune where the SIT sought their custody. Some of these arrested officers had been hailed as heroes for their role in combating the underworld, and they couldn't hide their tears when cameras captured them being taken away in disgrace.
Rumors circulated (though not independently verified) that IPS officer Subodh Jayaswal faced condemnation within the police fraternity for doing his job diligently and being tough on his own colleagues in uniform. During the past two decades, I've met Jayaswal on only two occasions, and he displayed little interest in discussing the case. Throughout his career, Jayaswal maintained a low profile and avoided interactions with the media.
Abdul Karim Telgi faced multiple trials and died in judicial custody in 2017. Most of the cops arrested by the SIT were convicted, although some were discharged, including a former Mumbai Police Commissioner and a DCP from the Mumbai Crime Branch. S.S. Puri passed away from a heart attack in Canada in 2020. Subodh Jayaswal briefly served as the Mumbai Police Commissioner and then went on deputation to the central government. In 2023, he retired as the Chief of the CBI.
Sanjay Singh authored a book, "Telgi Scam-Ek Reporter Ki Diary," in which he vividly recounts the scam's details and the challenges he faced. This book has now been adapted into a web series titled "Scam 2003 – The Telgi Story." It's worth noting that the web series may have taken creative liberties and twisted certain events. For those seeking an unfiltered account of the scam, Sanjay Singh's book is available in Hindi and English.
Today's crime reporters would do well to read the book or watch the web series to gain insight into the investigative journalism of twenty years ago. This scandal should also serve as a reminder to the police fraternity that succumbing to greed and engaging in acts of commission and omission can lead them to the other side of the lockup.

(Bombayphile is published weekly, where Jitendra Dixit reflects on Mumbai's past and present.)

#Bombayphile : That Dark August In The History of Mumbai Police

Mumbai Police is one of the most disciplined, professional and formidable internal security organisations in the world. There was a time when its pace of detecting crimes was compared with the Metropolitan Police of London. However, there have been a few dark pages in its glorious history. One such chapter is of the police rebellion that happened forty-one years ago.

What happened on 19 August 1982 was narrated to me by Baban Jadhav. He is one of those numbered policemen who participated in the rebellion and are still alive. Jadhav became my friend in 2003 when I was covering a proceeding at the Kurla court where few members of Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) were being produced after the organisation was banned. Jadhav was the in-charge of the security of the court premises. Recently, I met him after many years at his residence in Thane.

“They put me in jail on the occasion of the Ganpati festival. Even if I was guilty, why my family members were thrown out of our governmental accommodation? Why cases were filed against them? Dawood is such a big criminal but were his relatives punished for his crimes?...but for me, a policeman, the punishment was meted out to my family members. My daughter was just three months old. My mother was seventy years old, but they were thrown out of the house.” Jadhav’s eyes were full of rage when he recollected the events of 19 August , 1982.

During those days, the policemen had a union named “Mumbai Police Karmachari Sanghatana” of which Jadhav was a member.

“Why did that rebellion happened?” I asked Jadhav.

“Don’t call it a rebellion. It was our agitation. We wanted to do our duty respectfully, but we were being treated as slaves at the homes of IPS officers. We were asked to run errands, walk dogs and clean their utensils. Is this the job of a policeman? We were not allowed to take leave. Our salaries were very low. There was a conspiracy to snatch away our official quarters and give the land away to a builder. Because of all these reasons, we had to resort to agitation.”

The indications of the unrest in the force were visible on 15th August that year when many policemen reported to the duty displaying black ribbon on their uniform. It has been reported that out of the total strength of 22,000 cops, 9500 participated in the rebellion. On the day when rebellion broke out, there were incidents of stone-peltings at several places, motormen driving the local trains were pulled out of their cabins. As train services were disrupted, furious commuters went on rampage at various stations. The mill workers also joined the agitation of the policemen, who too were on a strike since last seven months.

Knowing that the police were on strike, criminal elements had a gala time. They fearlessly started looting. The Century Bazaar at Worli had to endure maximum damage. The worts violence happened at Worli Naka. To contain the violent mob, the army had to fire in which two mill workers and a policeman died. A youngster died in the Naigaon area. Julio Ribeiro was the police commissioner of Mumbai then. In his autobiography, he has detailed how the rebellion was dealt with. Apart from requisitioning the army, help was taken from the loyal policemen. Twenty-two leaders of the police union were arrested and ninety policemen were dismissed from the service. The police union was banned and the formation of any such union in the future was made illegal.

Although certain demands of the agitating policemen were legitimate, many leaders of the police union too went to extremes. They misbehaved with senior police officers and had scuffles with them. They indulged in indiscipline and didn’t wear the police uniform. A union leader who was a follower of Osho demanded that the colour of the police uniform must be changed from Khaki to Maroon. Most of the union leaders didn’t report to their regular duties and behaved arbitrarily. During those days, then CM A.R.Antulay used to appease union leaders like S.D.Mohite and sanctioned a space for the union’s office.

When I asked Jadhav about all these excesses, he admitted that indiscipline had happened, but such people were very few. Jadhav still believes that among all the governmental departments, the police force is the most overburdened one. There is still a need for an association of the policemen to convey their grievances to the government.

(Bombayphile is published every Sunday where Jitendra Dixit writes about the past and the present of Mumbai.)  

 

#Bombayphile: When Mumbai Underworld Collaborated With UP Gangsters

 

This week's Bombayphile couldn't be published on Sunday, as I had gone to my native village in Barabanki of Uttar Pradesh to attend my grandfather's funeral. While returning back, I met Mr, Rajesh Pandey at Lucknow. Mr.Pandey is a retired IPS officer and a founding member of the famed Special Task Force (STF) of the UP Police. Since the time Yogi Adityanath became the CM of UP, the STF has been often in the news for killing history-sheeters in the alleged encounters.

Mr. Pande, after his retirement, is successfully running a YouTube channel where he tells stories of crime. Recently, he became an author as well by publishing his first book "Operation Bajooka". The book is based on his hunt for Sriprakash Shukla, who had become UP's most dreaded gangster in the 90s and even conspired to murder then CM Kalyan Singh. An hour-long conversation with him at his residence surprised me. Although Mr.Pandey had never served in the Maharashtra Police, he had an in-depth knowledge of the Mumbai underworld. It was with his help that the police in Mumbai were able to crack many important cases in the city. The Mumbai Police had to work in tandem with their UP counterparts because the gangs of Mumbai had forged a collaboration with the gangsters of the UP.

The J.J.Hospital shootout of 1992 to avenge the murder of Dawood's brother-in-law Ibrahim Parker by Arun Gawli gang was executed by hitmen from UP. Dawood assigned Brijesh Singh, Subhash Singh Thakur and other UP based gangster to execute a shootout that is considered to be the biggest in Mumbai. Over 500 rounds of bullets were fired and for the first time an AK-47 rifle was used by the underworld.

Abu Salem, who defected from the Dawood gang in 1997 also called gangsters from UP to kill his targets. Many of his shooters hailed from Azamgarh, his native district in UP. Chhota Shakeel, the top lieutenant of Dawood Ibrahim, also hails from UP and recruits hitmen from his home state. Even Arun Gawli, whose gang members were mostly from Maharashtrian mill workers families, also hired shooters from UP. Mr.Pandey told me that the Mumbai Police had asked for his help to nab a few shooters based in Unnao district of UP, who were hired by Gawli to bump off film maker Madhur Bhandarkar. As per the Mumbai Police, an actress aggrieved with Bhandarkar had given a contract to Gawli to kill him.

 

Even Chhota Rajan had men from UP in his gang and prominent among them was Omprakash Singh aka OP. Singh's native place was Varanasi in Uttar Pradesh and joined the underworld after his brother was killed by the gangsters of Amar Naik gang for deposing as a witness in another shootout. Naik's shooter were on the lookout for Singh as well, but he came in contact with Chhota Rajan who offered him protection and inducted him in the gang. Soon Singh became a trsutworthy man of Chhota Rajan and took major decisions for the gang. However, once Rajan was told that Singh was planning to defect from the gang in connivance with a police officer. Allegedly on the instructions of Rajan, his other gang members killed Singh inside the Nasik jail in 2002.

The gangs in Mumbai chose gangsters from UP for several reasons. Firstly, they had no criminal record in Mumbai and hence couldn't come on the Mumbai Police ' radar before killing someone. Secondly, they were cheap. A teenager from UP could come and kill someone in Mumbai just for Rupees 5,000. They were provided return flight tickets by the gangs. Another factor was their daredevilry. For money, they could make an attempt on someone who was protected by the police.

(Bombayphile is published every Sunday where Jitendra Dixit writes about the past and the present of Mumbai.) 

#Bombayphile - Why Dawood Ibrahim’s Name Still Reverberates In Mumbai Politics?

Underworld Don Dawood Ibrahim might be sitting miles away from Mumbai in Karachi, but his name often reverberates in the politics of Mumbai. And this has been happening for the last three decades. Several politicians have faced allegations of being linked with India’s most wanted fugitive. The latest on the list is Nawab Malik, who recently secured bail from the Supreme Court.

Nawab Malik was a minister in CM Uddhav Thackeray’s cabinet. The Enforcement Directorate arrested him on 23 February 2022 in a money laundering case linked to Dawood Ibrahim. Malik was also a spokesman for the NCP and fiercely targeted the BJP. When the NCB arrested actor Shahrukh Khan's son Aryan, Malik strongly criticized the agency, claiming that the case was fabricated and that Aryan was arrested to extort money from his father. After Malik's arrest, the NCP alleged that it was the BJP’s move to silence him.

Nawab Malik’s political boss Sharad Pawar too had faced allegations of being hand in glove with Dawood in the decade of 90s. A municipal officer named G R.Khairnar alleged that Pawar had links with Dawood and he was protecting Dawood’s illegal constructions. Khairnar had made a list of properties owned by Dawood and was bulldozing them one after another. His campaign led to a tremendous uproar, and it was alleged that Khairnar was targeting a particular community. Consequently, his wings were clipped. Khairnar alleged that Pawar was behind the move at the behest of Dawood. He soon became an anti-corruption activist and on a public platform alleged that there were truckloads of evidence against Pawar. However, Khairnar never produced the said evidence, and Pawar was never prosecuted in any court of law.

Allegations of Khairnar were capitalised by the Shiv Sena-BJP alliance during the 1995 Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha polls. Shiv Sena’s Supremo Bal Thackeray even went to the extent of saying, “If they (Congress) have Dawood, we have Gawli.” Arun Gawli was a nemesis of Dawood. Eventually, the saffron alliance was successful in coming to the power. The allegations made by Khairnar played a major role in Pawar’s defeat.

Abu Azmi, the Maharashtra chief of Samajwadi Party, was embroiled in such a controversy. He was arrested under the stringent TADA law on charges of being part of 1993 Mumbai bombings conspiracy. Azmi was discharged due to lack of evidence. In 2005, a video was broadcast on Star News where he was seen in a function organised by Dawood in Dubai. It was the wedding reception of Dawood's younger brother Mustakeem. Azmi said that he was a distant relative of Dawood and hence attended the event and had no stake in Dawood’s illegal business.

Dawood escaped from Mumbai in 1986 and so far, all the attempts to apprehend or kill him by the Indian agencies have failed. However, his name is still used to conceive political narratives in Mumbai. The hatred and anger against his name amongst the people of India, especially of Mumbai, still has the potential for political capitalisation.

 

नागरिक बनो, भक्त नहीं!

कर्नाटक नतीजे आने के बाद कई लोग सोशल मीडिया पर मेरे पोस्ट को पढकर ये अनुमान लगा रहे हैं कि शायद मैं कांग्रेसी हूं। अनुमान गलत है। तो क्या मैं भाजपाई हूं?क्या मैं भक्त हूं? नहीं जी। फिर क्या मैं वामपंथी हूं? बिलकुल नहीं। ...तो फिर मैं कैसा शख्स हूं जिसकी कोई विचारधारा ही नहीं है?

मेरी सोच ऐसे लोगों के मन में उठ रहे तमाम सवालों से अलग है। मेरा परिचय भारत के एक नागरिक का है। मेरी नजर में जैसे ही आप किसी राजनीतिक पार्टी के फुलटाईम समर्थक/कार्यकर्ता बनते हैं या फिर किसी राजनेता के भक्त बन जाते हैं तो आप अपने आपको को उन अधिकारों से वंचित कर लेते हैं जो एक लोकतांत्रिक देश के नागरिक होने के नाते आपको मिले हैं।

अगर आप किसी राजनेता के भक्त हैं तो आपको उसकी हर बात पर वाह वाह करनी पडेगी। आपको उसके हर उस फैसले का भी सार्वजनिक तौर पर समर्थन करना पडेगा जिसे निजी तौर पर आप गलत मानते होंगे। कई बार उसके फैसले ऐसे होते सकते हैं जो सीधे आपको और आपके घर वालों को प्रभावित करते हों, परेशान करते हों।...लेकिन आप तो भक्त ठहरे। आपको तो उसका भी समर्थन करना ही पडेगा। कई बार आप जिसके भक्त हैं उसके फैसले तर्कसंगत नहीं होंगे, न्यायसम्मत नहीं होंगे, पाखंड झलकाते होंगे, लेकिन आपको तो उनका समर्थन करना ही पडेगा। आप भक्त जो ठहरे।

अगर मैं अपनी बात करूं तो ये कहूंगा कि मैं अपने नागरिक होने की स्वतंत्रता का पूरा इस्तेमाल करता हूं। जब जिस राजनेता की बात ठीक नहीं लगती, तब उसके खिलाफ लिखता-बोलता हूं। वो किसी भी पार्टी का हो सकता है। बीते दस सालों में मैने अलग अलग चुनावों में अलग अलग पार्टियों को वोट दिया है। किसी में बीजेपी को, किसी में कांग्रेस को, किसी में शिव सेना को। विधान सभा चुनाव में कोई और, लोक सभा चुनाव में कोई और, बीएमसी चुनाव में कोई और। वोट देते वक्त मैं उम्मीदवार के व्यकित्तव को महत्व देता हूं। उसके भूतकाल में किये गये काम और उसकी काबिलियत को तरजीह देता हूं। उसकी पार्टी मेरे लिये मायने नहीं रखती...और न ही उसकी पार्टी की विचारधारा। हमेशा देखा गया है कि राजनीतिक पार्टियां विचारधारा की बात सिर्फ चुनाव नतीजे आने तक करतीं हैं। उसके बाद सरकार बनाने की जोडतोड में विचारधारा हवा हो जाती है।याद है न जम्मू-कश्मीर में सरकार बनाते वक्त 2015 में बीजेपी ने अलगाववादी और आतंकवादियों के प्रति नरम रवैया रखने वाली पीडीपी से हाथ मिला लिया था। नीतीश कुमार कभी बीजेपी के साथ रहे तो कभी लालू यादव की पार्टी के साथ। अपने महाराष्ट्र में ही हिंदुत्ववाद की राजनीति करने वाली शिव सेना ने खुद को धर्मनिर्पेक्ष बताने वाली कांग्रेस और एनसीपी के साथ मिलकर सरकार बना ली। उस वक्त शिव सेना ने इस बात की परवाह नहीं की कि जनता ने उसे हिंदुत्ववादी पार्टी बीजेपी से गठजोड करने पर जनमत दिया था। कांग्रेस-एनसीपी भी ये भूल गयीं कि लोगों ने सांप्रदायिक ताकतों के खिलाफ होने की वजह से उन्हें वोट दिया है। विचारधारा का सम्मान सिर्फ जनता ही करे? सत्ता की मलाई खाने के लिये राजनीतिक पार्टियां जो मन में आये करें?

हो सकता है कि इस बीच मेरे सोशल मीडिया पोस्ट बीजेपी के खिलाफ नजर आते हों, लेकिन इसके पीछे कारण ये है कि केंद्र और मेरे राज्य महाराष्ट्र में दोनो जगह बीजेपी की सरकार हो। एक नागरिक के तौर पर सत्ताधारी पार्टी से सवाल पूछना और उसकी खामियों को उजागर करना मेरा अधिकार है। जब केंद्र और राज्य में कांग्रेस थी तब मैं उसके साथ भी यही करता था।

मैं आस्थावान हिंदू जरूर हूं लेकिन हिंदुत्ववादी नहीं। मैं रोज घर में पूजा करता हूं, सप्ताह में एक बार मंदिर जाता हूं, हाथ में रक्षा सूत्र पहनता हूं, तीर्थस्थलों पर जाता हूं, रामलीला देखता हूं, घर पर गणपति बिठाता हूं लेकिन मेरे हिंदुत्व की व्याख्या में मुसलिम या किसी और धर्म के अनुयायियों का विरोध नहीं हैं। धर्म मेरे लिये निजी मामला है और मैं अपने धर्म में राजनीति की मिलावट नहीं होने देता। अगर कोई धर्म के नाम पर मुझसे वोट मांगेगा तो मैं उसको कहूंगा – चल रास्ता नाप!

ऐसी किताब को लिखने के लिये चाहिये हिम्मत !!!

हाल ही में संजय सिंह और राकेश त्रिवेदी की किताब क्रिमिनल्स इन यूनिफार्म पूरी की. अबसे करीब 8-9 महीने पहले इस किताब का मराठी संस्करण मैंने खरीदा था (तब हिंदी संस्करण नहीं आया था) CSMT रेल स्टेशन के स्टाल पर एक आखिरी प्रति बची थी जो मेरे हाथ लगी. किताब पूरी करने में इतना वक्त इस लिए लग गया क्योंकि मैंने इसे टुकड़ों टुकड़ों में पढ़ी. इस दौरान मेरी अपनी किताब पर भी काम चल रहा था और दफ्तर के काम से जुडी भी खूब उठापटक चल रही थी. 

किताब पर बात करने से पहले थोड़ा इनके लेखकों के बारे में बता दूँ. दोनों ही लेखक मेरे अच्छे मित्र हैं और मेरी ही तरह घुमक्कड़ी का शौक रखते हैं. दोनों ही क्राइम बीट में अपने झंडे गाड़ चुके हैं. संजय सिंह. टीवी पत्रकारिता में मुझसे कई साल वरिष्ठ हैं और अपने करियर के शुरुवाती दिनों में काम जिनसे लोगों से सीखा उनमे वे भी हैं. साल 2003 में इन्होने तेलगी घोटाले की उस जायसवाल कमिटी रिपोर्ट का पर्दाफाश किया था जिसके बाद महाराष्ट्र की राजनीति में हड़कंप मच गया और उसके बाद बनी जांच टीम ने कमिशनर से लेकर कांस्टेबल तक को गिरफ्तार किया. इसके बाद उन्हें डराने धमकाने की कोशिश की और परेशान किया गया. पुलिसकर्मियों का वो गैंग संजय सिंह के पीछे पड़ गया जिनका जिक्र शायद उन्होंने नाम बदलकर अपनी इस तथाकथित काल्पनिक किताब में किया है...लेकिन अंग्रेजी की कहावत Taking the bull by its horn को चरितार्थ करते हुए तेलगी घोटाले पर एक बेबाक किताब ही लिख डाली जिस पर अब एक फ़िल्म भी बन रही है. दुसरे लेखक राकेश त्रिवेदी, संजय सिंह से अगली पीढ़ी का क्राइम रिपोर्टर हैं और एक तेज तर्रार पत्रकार है. कुछ वक्त तक वो स्टार न्यूज़ में मेरी टीम का सदस्य था.

वैसे तो कहानी के किरदारों को काल्पनिक बताया गया है लेकिन नाम बदलने के सिवा उनकी असली पहचान उजागर करने में लेखकों ने कोई कसर नहीं छोड़ी है. उद्योगपति के घर के बाहर विस्फोटक लदी कार खड़ी करने की वारदात (जिससे ये किताब प्रेरित लगती है) का कवरेज मैंने और मेरी टीम ने भी किया था. मुंबई का  हर क्राइम रिपोर्टर जानता है कि उस घटना को किसने, कैसे और क्यों अंजाम दिया. सभी को अंदाजा है कि साजिश का सबसे बड़ा खिलाड़ी कौन है जिसने सबका इस्तेमाल कर उन्हें जेल भिजवाया और अब अपने राजनितिक संपर्कों के चलते मौज काट रहा है... लेकिन मुझे उत्सुकता थी कि दोनों हुनरमंद लेखकों ने इस काण्ड को किस अंदाज़ में पेश किया है. 

किताब पढ़ते वक्त एक शब्द बार बार जेहन में आ रहा था, वो शब्द है हिम्मत. जी हाँ. इस जैसी किताब को लिखने की खातिर हिम्मत चाहिए. ऐसी किताब हर कोई नहीं लिख सकता।जिन पुलिस अधिकारिओं से इस किताब के किरदार प्रेरित नज़र आते हैं उनकी छवि बेहद खतरनाक रही है...इतनी ख़तरनाक कि खुद उनके अपने वरिष्ठ और बाक़ी पुलिसकर्मी उनसे घबराते थे.

किताब पहले से आख़िरी पन्ने तक रोचक है और कहीं भी बोरियत भरे अंश नहीं हैं. वेब सीरीज़ की तरह गालियाँ खूब हैं लेकिन कथानक के मुताबिक़ जायज़ नज़र आतीं हैं. जो लोग क्राइम थ्रिलर पढ़ना चाहते हैं या पुलिस महकमे के कामकाज की अंदरूनी तस्वीर देखना चाहते हैं, उन्हें ये किताब ज़रूर पसंद आएगी. 

कहानी का अंत बेहद दिलचस्प है . हालाँकि पूरी कहानी सत्य पर आधारित है लेकिन अंत काल्पनिक है...लेकिन ये ऐसी कल्पना है जो कभी भी सच साबित हो सकती है.